美加墨世界杯还在等待决赛的最后一舞，国际足联已经开启了「后世界杯」的生意。这是一次无比美式的、全面被资本化的世界杯。 Last week, Israel's parliament voted to dissolve itself after the ruling Bloc of Change coalition had lost its paper-thin majority. Lapid, who served as the foreign minister in Bennett's cabinet and is also the leader of the largest opposition party Yesh Atid, assumed the office of prime minister until the next parliamentary elections scheduled for November. This will be the country's fifth snap vote in under four years.,The previous one took place in March 2021 after the parliament had dissolved itself due to the failure to adopt a state budget by the deadline. It ended with Lapid forming a coalition agreement with Bennett, who leads the right-wing Yamina political alliance, entailing a rotational two-year premiership.,Unique Coalition,The coalition created by Bennett and Lapid was the most diverse in Israel's history, consisting of parties that run the gamut from right to left, religious to secular, and even included an Arab party, the United Arab List (also known as Ra'am). Other coalition members included Yesh Atid, Yamina, Blue and White, Yisrael Beiteinu, New Hope, Labor and Meretz.,The coalition's diversity is explained by the shared desire to prevent Benjamin Netanyahu, the leader of the right-wing Likud party and a former prime minister, from once again taking power. However, the variety of political forces presented in the coalition also made it hard to sustain.,"The effort and the energy that were invested in maintaining the coalition government throughout this year actually exhausted the government and the people at the top, and they couldn’t really deal with certain issues that could have given them credit were they successful in surviving until the next elections," Tamar Hermann, a professor of political science at the Open University of Israel and academic director of the Viterbi Family Center for Public Opinion and Policy Research at the Israel Democracy Institute, said.,According to Itzhak Galnoor, a senior research fellow at the Van Leer Jerusalem Institute and emeritus Herbert Samuel professor of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the Bennett-Lapid government should have invested much more effort in keeping the alliance together, which they failed to do.,"It was an attempt to save Israeli democracy, prevent corruption, show that a government can function without all those tricks and things that the Netanyahu government was notable for doing for many years. In this way, I mean the second part, they actually did succeed for a while. So, the main failure, as I said, was the problem of maintaining some politicians within the parties who knew exactly what they were getting into. It wasn’t just that the whole experiment was a failure, it was more of a personal thing," Galnoor said.,The expert also suggested that if the Arab political alliance Joint List, which was not part of the ruling coalition, had given its support to the government and overcome the personal animosity between them and the United Arab List then the coalition would have survived.,"So, it is difficult to say more than we have now personification of politics, which makes it very difficult to have a coalition and it does not matter even if we may have ten elections," Galnoor surmised.,Meanwhile, Liron Lavi, a lecturer and research fellow at the UCLA Y&S Nazarian Center for Israel Studies, drew attention to the changes in the Israeli political spectrum.,"'Right' and 'Left' are much less about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict- the main issue that has defined Israeli politics since 1967. Instead, the political axis in Israel is being re-shaped around issues of the state's Jewish identity and democracy," she stated, adding that "in light of this change, and until the political axis will be redefined and parties will realign themselves along it, we are expected to see more political instability in Israel in the near future.",Time for Change,The series of snap elections has revealed the issues with Israel's current electoral system, in which parliamentary seats are proportionally divided between parties and a ruling coalition must secure 61 seats in order to form a government. However, creation of a stable political coalition out of sprawling factions has become a daunting task. At the same time, parties are currently the least trusted political organizations in Israel, with people often having little idea what is the real difference between them, according to Hermann.,"Many parties do not even have platforms, so people vote by identification based on, as I said, the level of religiosity and past experience," Hermann explained. "The parties are, in a way, obsolete, but we don’t have any alternative channel for choosing the candidates for the national elections, so if the electoral system is changed, probably the parties will have to adapt and maybe become more relevant.",Galnoor, for his part, underscored the need to make sure the country has a stable government and ruling coalition, noting that the Israeli Democracy Institute suggested the following changes to the country's parliamentary system: making the head of the biggest party after the election the prime minister by default so they could form a governing coalition as well as introducing mixed elections, with some lawmakers representing geographic constituencies instead of being voted on via party lists.,"You have, let’s say, a member of the Knesset [who] represents the Negev, the south, he would have to represent all the people in the south. It would be Jewish and Arab and it would be Orthodox and non-Orthodox, so you would have a representative, a member of the Knesset, that cuts across the differences in society," the expert outlined the idea.,Shmuel Sandler, the professor emeritus of political science at Bar-Ilan University and a senior research fellow at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies also called for electoral reform and hoped that a coalition without Netanyahu might implement it.,"He would try to go for a reform in which the head of the largest party is also elected as PM. But this does not assure stability," Sandler noted.。在天价球票、禁止自带饮水、补水时间的争议之后，国际足联还首次推出了世界杯冠军戒指。这枚冠军球员同款戒指限量发售2026枚 ，价格是12000美元。
B | 而除此之外，他们甚至也没忽视球员们脚下的泥土。这些承载世界杯比赛的实体——比赛用草皮，也被国际足联安排了属于自己的变现渠道。根据FIFA官网公布的消息，他们在7月初预售了名为Piece of the Pitch系列的草皮官方纪念品，这些草皮，来自举办决赛的新泽西州大都会人寿体育场。这套纪念品分为四个版本，分别是450美元的基础版、900美元的场馆版、1200美元的传承版，以及售价最高的，3000美元的英雄版。图源：FIFA其中，基础版纪念品仅提供一块由立方体树脂材料浇注的决赛用草皮，而最贵的英雄版，在这个基础上还包括更豪华的木质礼盒、一个迷你版三重浪足球、镀金金属纪念门票、迷你大力神杯模型、防伪优盘及防伪证书。每个版本的纪念品限量销售2026套，只向欧洲和美国地区邮寄售卖。根据FIFA公布的价格推算，如果所有纪念品全部售出，将为国际足联带来1120万美元（约合7600万元人民币）的收入。而仅仅不到两天时间，四档草皮纪念品均已售罄。终场哨声未响，大力神杯归属未定，8104块草皮已经完成预售，1120万美元安然入袋。图源：NBC事实上，将重要场次比赛的「场馆碎片」制成官方纪念品进行出售，并非国际足联首创。在这个赛道上，世界杯决赛草皮既不算最创新的概念，也不是最壕的落场纪念品。NFL早在2010年就进行了这项生意尝试。第44届的超级碗，NFL与体育纪念品公司Stadium Associates合作，将Sun Life体育馆所用的决赛草皮制成纪念品出售。这些纪念品的草皮取自端区和决赛中的关键比赛区域，经过冷冻干燥处理，与比赛照片，以及印有第44届超级碗Logo的卡片组成产品套装。同样的例子还发生在美国大学橄榄球场上。博伊西州立大学曾将莱尔·史密斯球场更换下的蓝色人造草皮整个进行出售——蓝色草皮是该校橄榄球场的标志，从1986年开始「蓝色领地」就成为了美国大学橄榄球界的一道风景线。在今年，他们和体育收藏品的公司CollectU合作，将一块400平方英尺的比赛用草卖到了25000美元。而世界杯赛场上最有纪念意义的纪念品，由2014年被德国队7-1血洗的巴西贡献。东道主的米内罗体育场，那张饱受德国队炮火摧残的球网被分割成了8150块，以每块约71欧元（寓意7-1比分）的价格出售，所得款项都捐赠与巴西当地的慈善机构。时任米内罗体育场的管理者塞缪尔·劳埃德对这个决定给出了解释：巴西人希望将这次苦涩的败北，转化成一些更积极、更有意义的事情。在过去的十几年里，承载着体育记忆的实体碎片以不同的形式被不同的球迷买回家中，有NFL的比赛草皮，有MLB的赛场泥土，有NBA的篮球球网和木地板……纪念品的价格也从十几美元到上万美元不等。这些例子足以证明，美国体育迷们对此类纪念品的认知程度已经很高，也乐意支付一定的预算，将体育历史的一部分放在自家书房里。在这个基础上，FIFA出售决赛草皮纪念品，顺理成章。
C | 最终的结果也如他们所料，8104块草皮瞬间售罄。但买归买，骂归骂。
D | 球迷们用购买力表达了对足球运动和世界杯本身的热爱，同时也没忘记痛批国际足联。首先被质疑的，自然是纪念品的价格。
E | 同样是小块场地纪念品，一瓶MLB 2025 World Series Game的泥土的售价是50美元；2010年超级碗的三英寸见方草皮纪念品，也仅售99.99美元。
F | 在球迷的眼中，即便世界杯相关纪念品客观存在高溢价，但与MLB的泥土和超级碗的草皮同属入门款，450美元的价格还是太贵了，更别提3000美元的英雄款。虽然一些北美体育联盟的场地纪念品——比如NBA重要比赛的地板——也被卖到了上万美元，但那是通过拍卖竞价而出现的高价，并非面向所有球迷的统一价格官方纪念品。除此之外，世界杯参赛者们对场地的抱怨，也引发了球迷消费者们对纪念品的不满。巴西球员维尼修斯，法国球员拉比奥、主教练德尚都对MetLife场馆的草皮进行过公开批评。维尼修斯认为，Metlife场地的草皮干得很快，这影响到了他们比赛的节奏；而法国队教练德尚也在采访中公开表示那里的草皮「又短又碎」，仿佛下面铺的是水泥而不是泥土，法国队甚至需要将这些因素带来的变化考虑到比赛计划当中。当然，一切比赛场地类纪念品本身并不具备任何实用价值，按理说草皮劣质与否，不该影响它们作为纪念品的价值。但问题在于，对于场地的批评来自球迷们热爱的足球运动员，而场地纪念品又是球迷们与球员、赛事的情感连接媒介。因此，从某种程度上来说，球员们的直接批评会被一些球迷看作是对这种媒介的否定，这也让草皮纪念品所扮演的情感连接角色显得不那么牢靠。简单来说，球员对草皮质量的公开批评，不仅削弱了纪念品的「神圣感」，更让部分球迷觉得自己在为一段「被球员吐槽」的糟糕体验买单，从而动摇了纪念品作为情感连接纽带的价值。此外，这种不满的情绪不仅仅来自于球迷，还来自于美国政客。就在国际足联公开预售决赛草皮纪念品后不久，新泽西州州长米基·谢里尔就公开表示，这笔收入新泽西州也必须「分一杯羹」，其中一部分收入应该用于回馈新泽西的纳税人们。她所给出的理由似乎也合乎情理：是新泽西州承担了绝大部分MetLife体育场草坪建设的总费用，且该州一直处于2亿美元的财政赤字中，世界杯的到来，还加剧政府的财政压力。无论是草皮纪念品销售所得的归属，还是新泽西州长的呼声，国际足联至今仍未回应。但任何一方的不满，也没有能影响世界杯决赛草皮纪念品顷刻间售罄这个事实。一辆所有零件都在「吱吱作响」的列车，依旧满载着乘客高速驶向目的地，诡异的现象背后，必定有更强大力量的存在。
G | 从早期动态定价导致的天价球票，到后续禁止自带饮水入场、禁止后备箱文化的赛前聚会，将场地用作赞助商展台，再到如今在骂声中顷刻售罄的高价草皮纪念品。国际足联这一系列安排都在告诉球迷们一件事情：今年的世界杯，你们消费不起，但总有人消费得起。大到赞助商权益，小到巴掌大的一块草皮、一瓶水，但凡是能够被资本化、商业化的资产，就一定会被锁定、被开发。足球本身和世界杯或许属于全世界的球迷，但利用这些事物变现的手段和成果，永远属于国际足联。在商业逻辑面前，国际足联显然算得一笔精明的账：限量、动态定价、快速售罄。从草皮到门票，他们的资本化实验无往不利。既收获了真金白银，也收获了流量与话题。而这种资本化的世界杯展现出的收割效率，也让人联想到本届世界杯上贡献了另一热门话题的VAR。在顶尖的科技加持下，VAR极致精准、高效，但与无处不在的世界杯资本化一样，它同样永远地带走了一部分曾经属于足球原始的激情与人性的温度。这或许也是本届世界杯至今为止出现最多，也最需要被讨论的一个母题：当有关足球、世界杯的一切都可以被计算、量化、变现，这项运动的主人，究竟是谁？
